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We have been greatly wronged

In the middle of March, James Griffing made another round of the circuit up in the vicinity of the Big Blue River. It was presumably on this journey that James first formed the acquaintance of the men from New England, organized as an advance party, who were "sent as emissaries of the New England Emigrant Aid Society to establish a town and open a school in the middle of Kansas." The emigrant party was led by Isaac T. Goodnow, a former college professor, who recruited other educated men, such as his brother-in-law Rev. Joseph Denison, Rev. Charles H. Lovejoy, Rev. Newell Trafton, Joseph Wintermute, Luke P. Lincoln, and others to make the journey with him.[1]  When the Goodnow emigrant party arrived in Kansas City on March 18, 1855, after a week's passage up the Missouri River [one week before Henry Griffing and James Goodrich took passage on the steamer "Australia"], they were met by Samuel Pomeroy, Society agent, who "described the country at the junction of the Republican and Smoky Hill [rivers] where Junction City now is, and at the junction of the Big Blue and Kansas rivers, site of Manhattan. With singular foresight he foretold that the government bridge at Juniata would soon be washed away and the travel would eventually go over the Blue [river] near its mouth, and Juniata become extinct -- a prophecy which speedily came to pass." [2]

Anxious to seek out these potential town sites, an advance party was formed and moved rapidly along the California Road until they arrived at Juniata on March 24, 1855. According to Isaac Goodnow, leader of the small vanguard, "On the fifth day [out of Kansas City]..., we struck Juniata, a little 'Pro-Slavery' town, close by a government bridge, built at an expense of $10,000. The principal man was an old six-foot Virginian by the name of Dyer, of the Methodist Church South... They kept a sort of free hotel and a small store. It was a preaching place for all denominations. And it was customary after the sermon to invite everybody to dinner. They were a noble, generous-hearted old couple but their free table and dishonest clerks soon got away with most of their property... A mile west of Juniata, we found Rev. Charles E. Blood, a missionary of the Congregational Church, to whom I had letters of introduction." It is reported that Rev. Blood directed the party to the north slope of Bluemont hill where they first looked down upon the valley where the Big Blue and Kansas rivers joined. Convinced that the location was perfect for their town, the advance party returned to Juniata and, the next day, spent the Sabbath celebrating their good fortune.

According to the memoirs of Abbie B. Allen, an early settler of Juniata, the Sabbath services held that Sunday in late March were conducted by Rev. Charles H. Lovejoy who "had arrived the day before, was a Methodist, but was stopping with Rev. Blood, a Congregationalist." Curiously, she also noted in her diary that "two more Methodist preachers arrived [on March 25th], Rev. [Newell] Tafton and Rev. [James] Griffing."[3]

For James, the arrival of the New England Emigrant Party to the Blue River Valley was exciting news. Whole families with eastern habits, eastern friends, eastern views toward slavery were on the verge of establishing a town at the junction of the Blue and Kansas rivers. Certainly a Methodist society would soon be formed and a church established.  But they had brought their own ministers -- he was needed elsewhere. During the week of March 26, 1855, while members of Goodnow's Party were selecting claims at the site that would become Manhattan, James began his journey back to the Wakarusa.

After a relatively mild and peaceful winter, there was a dramatic increase in activity beginning in mid-March as the temperatures began to warm, emigration resumed, and news of the impending election of a territorial legislature spread. The date set by territorial governor Andrew Reeder for the election was Friday, March 30, 1855. Missouri residents, eager to see the new territory secured as a slave state, armed themselves with whiskey and revolvers, organized into squadrons, and rode into the territorial polling districts. There, by armed intimidation, they were determined to see that only those territorial legislature delegates with pro-slavery views were elected. It was into one of these squadrons that James had his first encounter with "Border Ruffians" on the evening of March 29, 1855. Years later, he wrote, "I was obliged to run the gauntlet through a procession of about 600 border ruffians armed with revolvers and whiskey coming up to take possession of the Bloomington Precinct where I held a meeting the evening before in the spring of 1855." [4] Despite population estimates of less than 3,000 inhabitants, the territorial precincts recorded over 6,000 votes in the March 30 election and the pro-slavery delegates carried the day.

About April 1, 1855, James' brother Henry and his family along with James Goodrich arrived at James' claim site near Franklin. On Friday, April 6, James wrote to Augusta of their arrival:

Wakarusa [Kansas Territory]
April 6, 1855

Ever loved Augusta,

I have been waiting before I wrote in order that I might tell you just how things would work with our new pioneer friends that have just come on. I was very glad indeed to have them come and to see them. But it has proved -- and if I had the matter to manage again -- I would have managed differently. I.E., I would have had Henry come on first and get all things in readiness, and then have his family come on in the fall. However, as they are here, perhaps it is all for the best. The children -- in their new situation -- have been quite troublesome. Whilst on the [railroad] cars, Velma had the end of one of her fingers pinched off by the door, which was a source of much trouble. And when on the boat, nearly all took bad colds owing to the exposure and exceeding bad weather. They have also been troubled with the diarrhea but are now much better and Henry [says they are] beginning to act like themselves again.

As the claims were all taken about here that were of much value, in company with James [Goodrich] and a Mr. [August H.] Barnard, we started last Monday up in the vicinity of Topeka, which I rather think a promising portion of the territory and is about 28 miles above here on the Kansas [river]. Here, I heard claims might be obtained. The timber claims were all taken, but good desirable prairie claims might be had about three miles [east] of Topeka and four miles [west] of Tecumse[h], near Deer Creek, a tributary of the Kansas. And as we wished to all locate near each other, we purchased a timber claim containing some 40 or 50 acres of great timber and have taken claims each side of it so as to derive [equal] advantage from the timber. It cost $50; a little over $16 apiece. In ordinary seasons, I think water will be abundant and then good stone for building are convenient. Should the government survey prove favorable, James [Goodrich] will have a fine bunch of timber on one side, and on the other, a local Methodist preacher named [L. H.] Wentworth has a claim. [Your brother James] told me to say that he, "liked the country pretty well" but that he was "not always a going to spend his life away out here." He speaks often of home, says he never was away before to stay any [length of time] and, I suppose so very great a change will often give him homesickness. He seems to feel much more contented since he has taken his claim and gone to cutting logs for his cabin. And if he will only be contented, he cannot help doing well. I left him yesterday busy at work and came down after Henry and his family who will probably go up Monday [April 9]. [At that time], I am in hopes he [too] will begin to feel quite at home.

[Before leaving our claim sites near Topeka, I helped] pitch a tent near the timber and construct a sort of temporary cabin for [my brother] Henry. [Here], with very few conveniences, we tried to do our own cooking. I gave the boys a sort of invitation in the business and [your brother] James thought he could do his own cooking in my absence. The first bread I baked was made of flour meal and water mixed with a little lard -- and when cooked, weighed [barely] less than a brickbat. This, with some fried bacon, constituted our first meal. We commenced our frugal repast and I kept waiting to hear some "compliment" upon my bread. But as none came, I finally ventured to break the silence by asking [your brother] how he liked the bread. Giving it a side-glance, he said, "If I was at home and our folks should offer one such bread, I would not eat it. But here I have such an appetite, it tastes quite good." I think the country will agree well with his health if only his mind can be kept from brooding over his home. I am sometimes almost afraid that no inducement -- be it ever so great -- will ever cause him to remain here for any great length of time. Please, when you write, encourage him by all means to stay. Topeka will -- I think -- become a place of much importance as it is in the centre of the best part of the territory.

You can hardly think how fast the emigration is pouring in from the free states. We have been greatly wronged -- our rights invaded -- at the election last week. [5] Armed forces from Missouri came and took possession of the ballot boxes and pretty much carried on the election as they pleased. Their proceedings will only work against them. The free state men left the polls almost in a body and would not vote. The judges of the election have reported the conduct of Missouri to the [Territorial] Governor and he has taken the poll books, reports of the judges, and -- I understand -- has gone to lay the matter before President [Franklin Pierce]. I think Missouri is making her last struggle for Kansas knowing that a larger proportion of her citizens are free state men and are determined to use coercive measures with them. [This will eventually] oblige them to submit to her will. [They are] vain dreamers. They little think of the unbounded import[ance] embodied in that familiar sentiment of Kossuth's, that "truth crushed to earth shall rise again; the eternal years of God are hers."

President Franklin Pierce

You will please to pardon the exceeding brevity of this letter. I shall have just as much as I can tend to for the next few days as the boys have taken me from my regular work in a large measure. [Your brother] James says you talk some of going to Hartford [Connecticut] for medical aid. If so, I hope the trip without the aid will prove a source of strength and greatly encourage you. I do believe inhaling the pure air of this climate will do you good. But stop. I was told when [your brother] James first came to my humble cabin and peeped in the door (as I was away on my circuit), he told a friend with him that he did not believe his sister would ever live in a house like that -- leaving your own comfortable home and coming way out here. I guess you would have come to the same conclusion. But it is the best we can do here until we surround ourselves with the conveniences for doing better. The demand is so very great for lumber and the facilities for making it [are so limited] as yet that the people cannot get scarcely any. But we hope soon to get a little at least.

Since I commenced writing, a man by whom Henry sent to Westport has returned with a very nice cook stove and the trimmings. [His wife,] Nancy is commending it very highly and begins to talk and feel quite cheerful. The children are playing with buttons and seem to be enjoying themselves. And I think after they become acquainted [with the area], they cannot help liking it here. I do hope the children especially will be healthy for if they should be sick, you know they would be disposed to blame me [for enticing them to come here]. Henry is much pleased with the country and I guess will enjoy good health here. Bear any kind regards to your parents [and] also to my own mother should you see her. [Also to your brothers and sisters,] Sarah, Mary, Ralph, and Stephen -- and any of my friends that may especially inquire. My meetings are quite well attended but I am sorry that I do not have more time for study. Oft' times pray for me and know always that you share the affection and kindest regards of your, -- James.

Against the protests of the majority free-staters, Governor Reeder chose not to declare the election results fraudulent and, on April 16, 1855, issued a proclamation requesting that the territorial legislature meet at Pawnee on July 2. It was Reeder's fervent hope that Pawnee, an assembly of hastily constructed dwellings east of Ft. Riley, would become the territorial capital. And it was Reeder and his band of eastern investors who bought up all the land in this vicinity with the expectation of reaping substantial monetary gain. Clearly Reeder, like so many other politicians, intended using his office for personal gain. To avoid embarrassing confrontations with angry free-staters, he temporarily skipped the territory, returning to his home state of Pennsylvania.

About the time of Reeder's proclamation, James stopped in Lawrence to pick up his mail at the Post Office and found the letter from Augusta describing the death of his brother, John Griffing.  On April 16th, 1855, he sat down to write Augusta the following letter:

Wakarusa [Kansas Territory]
April [16th] 1855

My Dear Augusta

This has been truly a sad afternoon for me. Alone I have been seated in my rough log cabin with no one to whom I might unbosom the feelings of my heart but the Great Dispenser of all events.  I do not know but I might appear childish to become so full of weakness, but the painful news of your kind letter almost unmanned me. The thought that never again upon the earth should it be mine to associate with that frank, generous-hearted brother -- never again to share his society here or mingle in those delightful entertaining visits that have enabled me heretofore to pass so many pleasant hours. I can hardly make appear realities.  I was so little prepared to receive such a shock.

I had just come to Lawrence after assisting [my brother] Henry to get settled and was thinking about the package [your brother] James said he had brought on for me in which was a letter from yourself. I was almost afraid when I found another in the office from yourself and one also from [my brother-in-law] Charles Giddings. [I feared] there was something to be divulged that I was not expecting. Still I never could have thought of the death of John. I found an Owego paper in the office sent from him a few days ago which I took out with your letters. But he [has] left us, and all the efforts of the congregated universe cannot restore him again to us. And if I could but raise the separating veil and look in upon his departing spirit, it would seem to be a source of relief [to me]. True, I know nothing of the operations of his spirit in its last struggling to depart unknown to mortals -- and when he was secretly breathing out his soul in earnestness during its last stay here for forgiveness, some secret angel voice might have whispered to cheer his sinking spirit with, "Thy agonizing prayer is heard and thy sins which are many are all forgiven thee." But oh! could I be assured of this and know of a surety that he was fully prepared to go, it would be a source of great relief. I can only leave him in the hands of that Being who has removed him and allow the hidden future to reveal his true condition. I would be glad to get the particulars of his last hours. How does dear Mother seem to endure this deep wound? Already four of her [twelve] children have gone on in advance of her. And the rest are becoming so far scattered that she must almost feel like a lonely lingerer -- homeless and, in a measure, neglected. I do hope that 'ere many years shall pass, she may have a home equal to the one to which she was so much attached.

Many thanks to you for that package and its very welcome contents. You must truly have thought me hard to please when, in winding up your letter, you said you wished you could send me something that would be acceptable. Not an article came in the whole package but what was very much [acceptable]. I only wish I had plenty of time to plant all [the seeds] and take the best care of them afterward.

Another thing that made me feel very unpleasant was a resolution formed by [your brother] James to return home. So he took the army wagons that moved Henry and [his] family to their claim to start back for Owego. All persuasion was in vain. He said he could find no fault with the country but said he "did not come out to stay."  He said, "Only think of my poor old father and mother there," with a voice full of feeling and emotion. This was a stumper. I saw what was to pay and did not like to continue my urging. So away he went -- and after he had cut logs enough for his cabin and had been to so much expense in getting here. We came to Lawrence, hired his passage down to Kansas [City] village on the Missouri where he could take the [steam]boat. But strange things happen sometimes. After getting there, he changed his mind and hired the same team to bring him back so that I expect he is now back at Henry's. I saw the man that carried him by whom he sent word to me that he had concluded not to go [home] yet awhile. [This,] I think wise of him for I shall not be surprised at all if the claim he has [now] will in three years be worth three thousand dollars. And should he wish to [return] east, he need stay only long enough to preempt it. I hope he will stay so long at least. Now [that] he is out here, it will be so much to his advantage.

I still retain my claim and think I shall until I enter it. And should I wish to locate near them, I think there will be opportunities to purchase. There is an excellent claim joining Henry's on the south [that is] not yet taken which I have staked off for [my brother] Ossy, hoping he may come out 'ere long. I do believe it would be the very best thing he could do. And should he come soon, he could locate finely. I hope Henry and family will enjoy good health as well as [your brother] James. Little Velma was somewhat unwell when I left last Thursday. I shall not see them again until a week from yesterday.

Much quarreling has taken place in Lawrence over claims covering the city site and they could compromise on no conditions without adopting measures that will prove detrimental to the growth of the village. Its site is now reduced to one square mile and the lots are held quite high. This difficulty does not exist at Topeka and I should not at all wonder if it should become a place much larger than Lawrence. [Your brother's] claim is within about three miles of Topeka. Should he get a village lot anywhere, I think he would do best there as one can now be obtained at a very low price.

Chris Judd wrote me the other day, asking a multitude of questions [about Kansas Territory]. I should not wonder if he should marry and come west about the time we did.  He is preaching at Susquehanna, New York & Erie Railroad. He marries Sarah Hubbard of Candor, a rare jewel. [Your sister] Sarah's little housekeeper came safe. [She is] quite a valuable acquisition. Should she be planted, I wonder if I might supply the territory with [similar] housekeepers -- such seem to be in great demand here. I will treat her well, for the donor's sake, but I do think she has the marks of a cross woman. [6] My kind regards to all. Please write soon. Tell all about Mother and John. Good night. Affectionately yours, -- James